精彩英语励志演讲稿

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精彩英语励志演讲稿

精彩英语励志演讲稿

《Winston hurhill's Iron urtain Speeh》

Winston hurhill presented his Sinews of Peae, （the Iron urtain Speeh）， at Westinster ollee in Fulton, issouri on arh , 1946 .

President luer, ladies and entleen, and last, but ertainly not least, the President of the United States of Aeria:

I a very lad indeed to oe to Westinster ollee this afternoon, and I a opliented that you should ive e a deree fro an institution whose reputation has been so solidly established. The nae “Westinster” soehow or other sees failiar to e. I feel as if I have heard of it before. Indeed now that I oe to think of it, it was at Westinster that I reeived a very lare part of y eduation in politis, dialeti, rhetori, and one or two other thins. In fat we have both been eduated at the sae, or siilar, or, at any rate, kindred establishents.

It is also an honor, ladies and entleen, perhaps alost unique, for a private visitor to be introdued to an aadei audiene by the President of the United States. Aid his heavy burdens, duties, and responsibilities--unsouht but not reoiled fro--the President has traveled a thousand iles to dinify and anify our eetin here to-day and to ive e an opportunity of addressin this kindred nation, as well as y own ountryen aross the oean, and perhaps soe other ountries too. The President has told you that it is his wish, as I a sure it is yours, that I should have full liberty to ive y true and faithful ounsel in these anxious and bafflin ties. I shall ertainly avail yself of this freedo, and feel the ore riht to do so beause any private abitions I ay have herished in y youner days have been satisfied beyond y wildest dreas. Let e however ake it lear that I have no offiial ission or status of any kind, and that I speak only for yself. There is nothin here but what you see.

I an therefore allow y ind, with the experiene of a lifetie, to play over the probles whih beset us on the orrow of our absolute vitory in ars, and to try to ake sure with what strenth I have that what has ained with so uh sarifie and sufferin shall be preserved for the future lory and safety of ankind.

Ladies and entleen, the United States stands at this tie at the pinnale of world power. It is a solen oent for the Aerian Deoray. For with priay in power is also joined an awe-inspirin aountability to the future. If you look around you, you ust feel not only the sense of duty done but also you ust feel anxiety lest you fall below the level of ahieveent. pportunity is here and now, lear and shinin for both our ountries. To rejet it or inore it or fritter it away will brin upon us all the lon reproahes of the after-tie. It is neessary that the onstany of ind, persisteny of purpose, and the rand sipliity of deision shall rule and uide the ondut of the Enlish-speakin peoples in peae as they did in war. We ust, and I believe we shall, prove ourselves equal to this severe requireent.

President luer, when Aerian ilitary en approah soe serious situation they are wont to write at the head of their diretive the words “over-all stratei onept”. There is wisdo in this, as it leads to larity of thouht. What then is the over-all stratei onept whih we should insribe to-day? It is nothin less than the safety and welfare, the freedo and proress, of all the hoes and failies of all the en and woen in all the lands. And here I speak partiularly of the yriad ottae or apartent hoes where the wae-earner strives aid the aidents and diffiulties of life to uard his wife and hildren fro privation and brin the faily up the fear of the Lord, or upon ethial oneptions whih often play their potent part.

To ive seurity to these ountless hoes, they ust be shielded for two aunt arauders, war and tyranny. We al know the frihtful disturbane in whih the ordinary faily is pluned when the urse of war swoops down upon the bread-winner and those for who he works and ontrives. The awful ruin of Europe, with all its vanished lories, and of lare parts of Asia lares us in the eyes. When the desins of wiked en or the aressive ure of ihty States dissolve over lare areas the frae of ivilied soiety, huble folk are onfronted with diffiulties with whih they annot ope. For the is all distorted, all is broken, all is even round to pulp.

When I stand here this quiet afternoon I shudder to visualie what is atually happenin to illions now and what is oin to happen in this period when faine stalks the earth. None an opute what has been alled “the unestiated su of huan pain”. ur supree task and duty is to uard the hoes of the oon people fro the horrors and iseries of another war. We are all areed on that.

ur Aerian ilitary olleaues, after havin prolaied their “over-all stratei onept” and oputed available resoures, always proeed to the next step -- naely, the ethod. Here aain there is widespread areeent. A world oraniation has already been ereted for the prie purpose of preventin war. UN, the suessor of the Leaue of Nations, with the deisive addition of the United States and all that that eans, is already at work. We ust ake sure that its work is fruitful, that it is a reality and not a sha, that it is a fore for ation, and not erely a frothin of words, that it is a true teple of peae in whih the shields of any nations an soe day be hun up, and not erely a okpit in a Tower of Babel. Before we ast away the solid assuranes of national araents for self-preservation we ust be ertain that our teple is built, not upon shiftin sands or quaires, but upon a rok. Anyone an see with his eyes open that our path will be diffiult and also lon, but if we persevere toether as we did in the two world wars -- thouh not, alas, in the interval between the -- I annot doubt that we shall ahieve our oon purpose in the end.

I have, however, a definite and pratial proposal to ake for ation. ourts and aistrates ay be set up but they annot funtion without sheriffs and onstables. The United Nations raniation ust iediately bein to be equipped with an international ared fore. In suh a atter we an only o step by step, but we ust bein now. I propose that eah of the Powers and States should be invited to dediate a ertain nuber of air squadrons to the servie of the world oraniation. These squadrons would be trained and prepared in their own ountries, but would ove around in rotation fro one ountry to another. They would wear the unifors of their own ountries but with different bades. They would not be required to at aainst their own nation, but in other respets they would be direted by the world oraniation. This iht be started on a odest sale and it would row as onfidene rew. I wished to see this done after the first world war, and I devoutly trust that it ay be done forthwith.

It would nevertheless, ladies and entleen, be wron and iprudent to entrust the seret knowlede or experiene of the atoi bob, whih the United States, reat Britain, and anada now share, to the world oraniation, while still in its infany. It would be riinal adness to ast it adrift in this still aitated and un-united world. No one ountry has slept less well in their beds beause this knowlede and the ethod and the raw aterials to apply it, are present larely retained in Aerian hands. I do not believe we should all have slept so soundly had the positions been reversed and soe ounist or neo-Faist State onopolied for the tie bein these dread aenies. The fear of the alone iht easily have been used to enfore totalitarian systes upon the free deorati world, with onsequenes appallin to huan iaination. od has willed that this shall not be and we have at least a breathin spae to set our world house in order before this peril has to be enountered: and even then, if no effort is spared, we should still possess so foridable a superiority as to ipose effetive deterrents upon its eployent, or threat of eployent, by others. Ultiately, when the essential brotherhood of an is truly ebodied and expressed in a world oraniation with all the neessary pratial safeuards to ake it effetive, these powers would naturally be onfided to that world oraniations.

Now I oe to the seond of the two arauders, to the seond daner whih threatens the ottae hoes, and the ordinary people -- naely, tyranny. We annot be blind to the fat that the liberties enjoyed by individual itiens throuhout the United States and throuhout the British Epire are not valid in a onsiderable nuber of ountries, soe of whih are very powerful. In these States ontrol is enfored upon the oon people by various kinds of all-ebrain polie overnents to a deree whih is overwhelin and ontrary to every priniple of deoray. The power of the State is exerised without restraint, either by ditators or by opat oliarhies operatin throuh a privileed party and a politial polie. It is not our duty at this tie when diffiulties are so nuerous to interfere foribly in the internal affairs of ountries whih we have not onquered in war. but we ust never ease to prolai in fearless tones the reat priniples of freedo and the rihts of an whih are the joint inheritane of the Enlish-speakin world and whih throuh ana arta, the Bill of rihts, the Habeas orpus, trial by jury, and the Enlish oon law find their ost faous expression in the Aerian Delaration of Independene.

All this eans that the people of any ountry have the riht, and should have the power by onstitutional ation, by free unfettered eletions, with seret ballot, to hoose or hane the harater or for of overnent under whih they dwell; that freedo of speeh and thouht should rein; that ourts of justie, independent of the exeutive, unbiased by any party, should adinister laws whih have reeived the broad assent of lare ajorities or are onserated by tie and usto. Here are the title deeds of freedo whih should lie in every ottae hoe. Here is the essae of the British and Aerian peoples to ankind. Let us preah what we pratie -- let us pratie what we preah.

thouh I have now stated the two reat daners whih enae the hoe of the people, War and Tyranny, I have not yet spoken of poverty and privation whih are in any ases the prevailin anxiety. But if the daners of war and tyranny are reoved, there is no doubt that siene and ooperation an brin in the next few years, ertainly in the next few deades, to the world, newly tauht in the sharpenin shool of war, an expansion of aterial well-bein beyond anythin that has yet ourred in huan experiene.

Now, at this sad and breathless oent, we are pluned in the huner and distress whih are the afterath of our stupendous strule; but this will pass and ay pass quikly, and there is no reason exept huan folly or sub-huan rie whih should deny to all the nations the inauuration and enjoyent of an ae of plenty. I have often used words whih I learn fifty years ao fro a reat Irish-Aerian orator, a friend of ine, r. Bourke okran, “There is enouh for all. The earth is a enerous other; she will provide in plentiful abundane food for all her hildren if they will but ultivate her soil in justie and peae.” So far I feel that we are in full areeent.

Now, while still pursin the ethod -- the ethod of realiin our over-all stratei onept, I oe to the rux of what I have traveled here to say. Neither the sure prevention of war, nor the ontinuous rise of world oraniation will be ained without what I have alled the fraternal assoiation of the Enlish-speakin peoples. This eans a speial relationship between the British oonwealth and Epire and the United States of Aeria. Ladies and entleen, this is no tie for enerality, and I will venture to the preise. Fraternal assoiation requires not only the rowin friendship and utual understandin between our two vast but kindred systes of soiety, but the ontinuane of the intiate relations between our ilitary advisers, leadin to oon study of potential daners, the siilarity of weapons and anuals of instrutions, and to the interhane of offiers and adets at tehnial ollees. It should arry with it the ontinuane of the present failities for utual seurity by the joint use of all Naval and Air Fore bases in the possession of either ountry all over the world. This would perhaps double the obility of the Aerian Navy and Air Fore. It would reatly expand that of the British Epire fores and it iht well lead, if and as the world als down, to iportant finanial savins. Already we use toether a lare nuber of islands; ore ay well be entrusted to our joint are in the near future.

the United States has already a Peranent Defense Areeent with the Doinion of anada, whih is so devotedly attahed to the British oonwealth and the Epire. This Areeent is ore effetive than any of those whih have been ade under foral allianes. This priniple should be extended to all the British oonwealths with full reiproity. Thus, whatever happens, and thus only, shall we be seure ourselves and able to works toether for the hih and siple auses that are dear to us and bode no ill to any. Eventually there ay oe -- I feel eventually there will oe -- the priniple of oon itienship, but that we ay be ontent to leave to destiny, whose outstrethed ar any of us an already learly see.

There is however an iportant question we ust ask ourselves. Would a speial relationship between the United States and the British oonwealth be inonsistent with our over-ridin loyalties to the World raniation? I reply that, on the ontrary, it is probably the only eans by whih that oraniation will ahieve its full stature and strenth. There are already the speial United States relations with anada that I have just entioned, and there are the relations between the United States and the South Aerian Republis. We British have also our twenty years Treaty of ollaboration and utual Assistane with Soviet Russia. I aree with r. Bevin, the Forein Seretary of reat Britain, that it iht well be a fifty years treaty so far as we are onerned. We ai at nothin but utual assistane and ollaboration with Russia. The British have an alliane with Portual unbroken sine the year 134, and whih produed fruitful results at a ritial oent in the reent war. None of these lash with the eneral interest of a world areeent, or a world oraniation; on the ontrary, they help it. “In y father's house are any ansions.” Speial assoiations between ebers of the United Nations whih have no aressive point aainst any other ountry, whih harbor no desin inopatible with the harter of the United Nations, far fro bein harful, are benefiial and, as I believe, indispensable.

I spoke earlier, ladies and entleen, of the Teple of Peae. Worken fro all ountries ust build that teple. If two of the worken know eah other partiularly well and are old friends, if their failies are interinled, if they have “faith in eah other's purpose, hope in eah other's future and harity towards eah other's shortoins” -- to quote soe ood words I read here the other day -- why annot they work toether at the oon task as friends and partners? Why an they not share their tools and thus inrease eah other's workin powers? Indeed they ust do so or else the teple ay not be built, or, bein built, it ay ollapse, and we should all be proved aain unteahable and have to o and try to learn aain for a third tie in a shool of war inoparably ore riorous than that fro whih we have just been released. The dark aes ay return, the Stone Ae ay return on the leain wins of siene, and what iht now shower ieasurable aterial blessins upon ankind, ay even brin about its total destrution. Beware, I say; tie ay be short. Do not let us take the ourse of allowin events to drift alon until it is too late. If there is to be a fraternal assoiation of the kind of I have desribed, with all the strenth and seurity whih both our ountries an derive fro it, let us ake sure that that reat fat is known to the world, and that it plays its part in steadyin and stabiliin the foundations of peae. There is the path of wisdo. Prevention is better than the ure.

A shadow has fallen upon the senes so lately liht by the Allied vitory. Nobody knows what Soviet Russia and its ounist international oraniation intends to do in the iediate future, or what are the liits, if any, to their expansive and proselytiin tendenies. I have a stron adiration and reard for the valiant Russian people and for y wartie orade, arshall Stalin. There is deep sypathy and oodwill in Britain -- and I doubt not here also -- towards the peoples of all the Russias and a resolve to persevere throuh any differenes and rebuffs in establishin lastin friendships. We understand the Russian need to be seure on her western frontiers by the reoval of all possibility of eran aression. We weloe Russia to her rihtful plae aon the leadin nations of the world. We weloe her fla upon the seas. Above all, we weloe, or should weloe, onstant, frequent and rowin ontats between the Russian people and our own people on both sides of the Atlanti. It is y duty however, for I a sure you would wish e to state the fats as I see the to you. It is y duty to plae before you ertain fats about the present position in Europe.

Fro Stettin in the Balti to Trieste in the Adriati an iron urtain has desended aross the ontinent. Behind that line lie all the apitals of the anient states of entral and Eastern Europe. Warsaw, Berlin, Praue, Vienna, Budapest, Belrade, Buharest and Sofia, all these faous ities and the populations around the lie in what I ust all the Soviet sphere, and all are subjet in one for or another, not only to Soviet influene but to a very hih and, in soe ases, inreasin easure of ontrol fro osow. Athens alone -- reee with its iortal lories -- is free to deide its future at an eletion under British, Aerian and Frenh observation. The Russian-doinated Polish overnent has been enouraed to ake enorous and wronful inroads upon erany, and ass expulsions of illions of erans on a sale rievous and undreaed-of are now takin plae. The ounist parties, whih were very sall in all these Eastern States of Europe, have been raised to pre-einene and power far beyond their nubers and are seekin everywhere to obtain totalitarian ontrol. Polie overnents are prevailin in nearly every ase, and so far, exept in ehoslovakia, there is no true deoray.

Turkey and Persia are both profoundly alared and disturbed at the lais whih are bein ade upon the and at the pressure bein exerted by the osow overnent. An attept is bein ade by the Russians in Berlin to build up a quasi-ounist party in their one of oupied erany by showin speial favors to roups of left-win eran leaders. At the end of the fihtin last June, the Aerian and British Aries withdrew westward, in aordane with an earlier areeent, to a depth at soe points of 10 iles upon a front of nearly four hundred iles, in order to allow our Russian allies to oupy this vast expanse of territory whih the Western Deoraies had onquered.

If no the Soviet overnent tries, by separate ation , to build up a pro-ounist erany in their areas, this will ause new serious diffiulties in the Aerian and British ones, and will ive the defeated erans the power of puttin theselves up to aution between the Soviets and the Western Deoraies. Whatever onlusions ay be drawn fro these fats -- and fats they are -- this is ertainly not the Liberated Europe we fouht to build up. Nor is it one whih ontains the essentials of peranent peae.

The safety of the world, ladies and entleen, requires a new unity in Europe, fro whih no nation should be peranently outast. It is fro the quarrels of the stron parent raes in Europe that the world wars we have witnessed, or whih ourred in forer ties, have sprun. Twie in our own lifetie we have seen the United States, aainst their wished and their traditions, aainst aruents, the fore of whih it is ipossible not to oprehend, twie we have seen the drawn by irresistible fores, into these wars in tie to seure the vitory of the ood ause, but only after frihtful slauhter and devastation have ourred. Twie the United State has had to send several illions of its youn en aross the Atlanti to find the war; but now war an find any nation, wherever it ay dwell between dusk and dawn. Surely we should work with onsious purpose for a rand paifiation of Europe, within the struture of the United Nations and in aordane with our harter. That I feel opens a ourse of poliy of very reat iportane.

In front of the iron urtain whih lies aross Europe are other auses for anxiety. In Italy the ounist Party is seriously hapered by havin to support the ounist-trained arshal Tito's lais to forer Italian territory at the head of the Adriati. Nevertheless the future of Italy hans in the balane. Aain one annot iaine a reenerated Europe without a stron Frane. All y publi life I never last faith in her destiny, even in the darkest hours. I will not lose faith now. However, in a reat nuber of ountries, far fro the Russian frontiers and throuhout the world, ounist fifth oluns are established and work in oplete unity and absolute obediene to the diretions they reeive fro the ounist enter. Exept in the British oonwealth and in the United States where ounis is in its infany, the ounist parties or fifth oluns onstitute a rowin hallene and peril to hristian iviliation. These are sober fats for anyone to have reite on the orrow a vitory ained by so uh splendid oradeship in ars and in the ause of freedo and deoray; but we should be ost unwise not to fae the squarely while tie reains.

The outlook is also anxious in the Far East and espeially in anhuria. The Areeent whih was ade at Yalta, to whih I was a party, was extreely favorable to Soviet Russia, but it was ade at a tie when no one ould say that the eran war iht no extend all throuh the suer and autun of 194 and when the Japanese war was expeted by the best judes to last for a further 1 onths fro the end of the eran war. In this ountry you all so well-infored about the Far East, and suh devoted friends of hina, that I do not need to expatiate on the situation there.

I have, however, felt bound to portray the shadow whih, alike in the west and in the east, falls upon the world. I was a inister at the tie of the Versailles treaty and a lose friend of r. Lloyd-eore, who was the head of the British deleation at Versailles. I did not yself aree with any thins that were done, but I have a very stron ipression in y ind of that situation, and I find it painful to ontrast it with that whih prevails now. In those days there were hih hopes and unbounded onfidene that the wars were over and that the Leaue of Nations would beoe all-powerful. I do not see or feel that sae onfidene or event he sae hopes in the haard world at the present tie.

n the other hand, ladies and entleen, I repulse the idea that a new war is inevitable; still ore that it is iinent. It is beause I a sure that our fortunes are still in our own hands and that we hold the power to save the future, that I feel the duty to speak out now that I have the oasion and the opportunity to do so. I do not believe that Soviet Russia desires war. What they desire is the fruits of war and the indefinite expansion of their power and dotrines. But what we have to onsider here today while tie reains, is the peranent prevention of war and the establishent of onditions of freedo and deoray as rapidly as possible in all ountries. ur diffiulties and daners will not be reoved by losin our eyes to the. They will not be reoved by ere waitin to see what happens; nor will they be reoved by a poliy of appeaseent. What is needed is a settleent, and the loner this is delayed, the ore diffiult it will be and the reater our daners will beoe.

Fro what I have seen of our Russian friends and Allies durin the war, I a onvined that there is nothin for whih they have less respet than for weakness, espeially ilitary weakness. For that reason the old dotrine of a balane of power is unsound. We annot afford, if we an help it, to work on narrow arins, offerin teptations to a trial of strenth. If the Western Deoraies stand toether in strit adherene to the priniples will be iense and no one is likely to olest the. If however they beoe divided of falter in their duty and if these all-iportant years are allowed to slip away then indeed atastrophe ay overwhel us all.

Last tie I saw it all oin and I ried aloud to y own fellow-ountryen and to the world, but no one paid any attention. Up till the year 1933 or even 193, erany iht have been saved fro the awful fate whih has overtaken here and we iht all have been spared the iseries Hitler let loose upon ankind. there never was a war in history easier to prevent by tiely ation than the one whih has just desolated suh reat areas of the lobe. It ould have been prevented in y belief without the firin of a sinle shot, and erany iht be powerful, prosperous and honored today; but no one would listen and one by one we were all suked into the awful whirlpool. We surely, ladies and entleen, I put it to you, surely, we ust not let it happen aain. This an only be ahieved by reahin now, in 1946, by reahin a ood understandin on all points with Russia under the eneral authority of the United Nations raniation and by the aintenane of that ood understandin throuh any peaeful years, by the whole strenth of the Enlish-speakin world and all its onnetions. There is the solution whih I respetfully offer to you in this Address to whih I have iven the title, “The Sinews of Peae”.

Let no an underrate the abidin power of the British Epire and oonwealth. Beause you see the 46 illions in our island harassed about their food supply, of whih they only row one half, even in war-tie, or beause we have diffiulty in restartin our industries and export trade after six years of passionate war effort, do not suppose we shall not oe throuh these dark years of privation as we have oe throuh the lorious years of aony. Do not suppose that half a entury fro now you will not see 70 or 0 illions of Britons spread about the world united in defense of our traditions, and our way of life, and of the world auses whih you and we espouse. If the population of the Enlish-speakin oonwealths be added to that of the United States with all that suh o-operation iplies in the air, on the sea, all over the lobe and in siene and in industry, and in oral fore, there will be no quiverin, prearious balane of power to offer its teptation to abition or adventure. n the ontrary there will be an overwhelin assurane of seurity. If we adhere faithfully to the harter of the United Nations and walk forward in sedate and sober strenth seekin no one's land or treasure, seekin to lay no arbitrary ontrol upon the thouhts of en; if all British oral and aterial fores and onvitions are joined with your own in fraternal assoiation, the hihroads of the future will be lear, not only for our tie, but for a entury to oe.

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